Using Space Weapons against Extraterrestrial Civilizations
Pre-publication version of article published Nexus Magazine
Vol
13:2
(Feb-March 2006)
Introduction
In one
of its first major policy changes after coming into power in January 2001, the
Bush administration signaled its intent to withdraw from the Anti-Ballistic Missile
Defense Treaty with Russia. The ABM Treaty had been intended to prevent
the deployment of weapons in space and enjoyed major international support since
its ratification in 1972 by the Nixon administration. In a May 2001 speech, President
Bush argued that the 30 year old ABM Treaty was outdated and that the U.S. must formally move beyond its constraints
to deal with new security threats:
We
need a new framework that allows us to build missile defenses to counter the different
threats of today’s world. To do so, we must move beyond the constraints of
the 30-year-old ABM Treaty. This treaty does not recognize the present, or point
us to the future. It enshrines the past. No treaty that prevents us from addressing
today’s threats, that prohibits us from pursuing promising technology to
defend ourselves, our friends and our allies is in our interests or in the interests
of world peace. [1]
The
Bush administration gave its formal notice to withdraw on December 13,
2001, and promptly withdrew six months later. The Bush administration
thus formally embarked on realizing some of the goals of the Strategic
Defense Initiative that had first been promoted by the Reagan
administration in March 1983. Reagan had envisaged the development of
space based intercept systems that could be used to destroy large scale
ballistic missile attacks on the United States. Reagan’s SDI floundered
as the Cold
War wound down and the Democrat controlled U.S. Congress aimed to use
the anticipated
‘peace dividend’ to improve social programs. Furthermore, many
prominent
scientists argued against the cost of developing SDI’s futuristic
weapons
systems. In July 1999, the Clinton Administration passed the National
Missile
Defense Act calling for a more limited anti-ballistic missile system:
It
is the policy of the United States to deploy as soon as is technologically possible
an effective National Missile Defense system capable of defending the territory
of the United States against limited ballistic missile attack (whether accidental,
unauthorized, or deliberate) with funding subject to the annual authorization
of appropriations and the annual appropriation of funds for National Missile Defense. [2]
The Bush
administration quickly moved to formally deploying an antiballistic missile system
as part of the National Missile Defense Program.
In
May
2005, the US Air Force formally requested permission from the Bush
administration
for a national security directive so that it could “secure space
to protect the nation from attack”. The Air Force request moves the
Bush
Administration closer to approving the weaponization of space and
sparking an
arms race in space with the US
major strategic competitors, Russia
and China. These developments towards deploying weapons in space
received a surprising objection when a former Canadian Defense Minister
addressed a UFO Conference in Toronto. He linked the deployment of
space weapons not to possible ballistic missile attacks by rogue
nations or terrorist groups, but as a means of targeting UFOs that were
piloted by extraterrestrial visitors.
Paul
Hellyer and Opposition to the Weaponization of Space
On
September 25, 2005, the Honorable Paul Hellyer, a former Canadian
Minister for National Defense gave a speech in Toronto addressing the
weaponization of space. [3]
For the 82 year old Hellyer, his speech reaffirmed his long standing
opposition
to any governmental efforts to deploy weapons in Space. While Defense
Minister
in the Lester Pearson administration from 1963-67, Hellyer had
officially rebuffed
initiatives from the Johnson administration to approve an
anti-ballistic missile
defense system. In a 2003 article he wrote: “It is almost 40 years
since
U.S. secretary
of defense Robert McNamara asked me if Canada would be interested in
helping develop an anti-ballistic missile defense for North America. I
was able to say, "Thanks, but no thanks," which was the position of the
Pearson government and one that I fully endorsed.” [4]
During
his 2005 speech, Hellyer also addressed the UFO phenomenon and
described his time as Minister for Defense where the occasional UFO
sighting report crossed his desk. He claims to never have had time for
what he considered to be a “flight of fancy”, but nevertheless retained
an interest in the UFO phenomenon. While Minister for Defense, he was
guest of honor at the opening of the world’s first UFO landing pad at
Alberta, Canada in 1967.
He thought it an innovative idea from a progressive Canadian community
willing
to pay for his helicopter ride, but did not give much thought to UFOs
as having
serious policy implications.
Hellyer’s
position on UFOs dramatically changed after watching the late Peter Jennings documentary
special, “Seeing is Believing” in February 2005. Hellyer decided to
read a book that had been idly sitting on his book shelf for two years. Philip
Corso’s, The Day After Roswell,
sparked intense interest for Hellyer in terms of its policy implications, and
Corso distinguished service in the U.S. Army and the Eisenhower administration.
Corso who reached the rank of Lt Colonel, named real people, institutions and
events in his book that could be checked. Intrigued by the policy implications,
Hellyer decided to confirm whether Corso’s book was real or a “work
of fiction”. He contacted a retired United States Air Force General and spoke
to him directly to verify Corso’s claims. The unnamed General simply said:
“every word is true and more”. [5]
Hellyer then proceeded to discuss the “and more …” with the general
and claimed he was told remarkable things concerning UFOs and the extraterrestrial
hypothesis that interplanetary visitors have been here since at least 1947. Hellyer
then privately asked a number of ‘officials’, some occupying senior
positions, about Corso, and again received confirmation that Corso’s claims
were accurate. [6]
Finally convinced that the UFO phenomenon was real Hellyer decided to come forward
and publicly speak about some of the “most profoundly important policy questions
that must be addressed.”
Among
the profound policy questions raised by Hellyer was the designation by the U.S.
military of visiting extraterrestrials as an ‘enemy’. According to Hellyer,
this had led to the development of “laser and particle guns to the point
that they can be used against the visitors from space.” It is this targeting
of visiting extraterrestrials that concerns Hellyer, and he asks “is it wise
to spend so much time and money to build weapon systems to rid the skies of alien
visitors?” Hellyer poignantly raises the key policy question: “Are they
really enemies or merely legitimate explorers from afar?” Hellyer’s
question raises profound importance in understanding the relationship between
visiting extraterrestrial civilizations and the recent effort to deploy weapons
in space. Significantly, Hellyer’s stated position on deploying weapons in
Space and opposition to the possible military targeting of extraterrestrials is
in stark contrast to the man who initially convinced him of the reality of extraterrestrial
visitors: Lt. Col. Philip Corso.
Colonel
Philip Corso’s Support for the Strategic Defense Initiative & Weaponization
of Space
In his
book, The Day After Roswell, co-authored
with William Birnes, retired Lt. Col. Philip Corso declared that extraterrestrials
were abducting civilians, violating U.S. airspace, and destroying aircraft sent to
intercept them. Corso viewed the extraterrestrials as a direct threat to U.S national
security and declared: “For over fifty years, now, the war against UFOs has
continued as we tried to defend ourselves against their intrusions.” [7] Elsewhere in the Day After Roswell, Corso describes the national security threat posed
by UFOs and the need for a military weaponization program to target and shoot
down UFOs conducting such violations. He specifically championed President Reagan’s
Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI). Corso believed that SDI was the appropriate
response to extraterrestrial intrusions, and that the US and USSR both knew what SDI’s true purpose was:
We [US & USSR] both knew who the real targets of SDI were…
It was the UFOs, alien spacecraft thinking themselves invulnerable and invisible
as they soared around the edges of our atmosphere, swooping down at will to destroy
our communications with EMP bursts, buzz our spacecraft, colonize our lunar surface,
mutilate cattle in their own horrendous biological experiments, and even abduct
human beings for their medical tests and hybridization of the species. And what
was worse we had to let them do it because we had no weapons to defend ourselves. [8]
A number
of UFO researchers have claimed that these bellicose statements towards extraterrestrial
visitors were introduced by Corso’s co-author William Birnes, and that Corso was not as anti-extraterrestrial
as The Day After Roswell suggests.
That is not accurate as a reading
of Col Corso's original notes make clear. His original notes were
published in Italy and contain many similar statements revealing
the depth of Corso’s animosity towards visiting extraterrestrials. [9] For example, in terms of violating U.S. air space, Corso wrote: “They have violated
our air space with impunity and even landed on our territory. Whether intentional
or not, they have performed hostile acts. Our citizens have been abducted and
killed.” [10] Corso went on to fully describe the nature
of the interaction between extraterrestrial visitors and the general population:
the aliens have shown a callous indifference concerning their victims.
Their behavior has been insidious and it appears they might be using our earth
and manipulating earth life. Skeptics will excuse them that possibly they are
benevolent and want to help, however, there is no evidence they have healed anyone
or alleviated human ailments. On the other hand, they have caused pain, suffering
and even death. [11]
Corso
here
reveals the depth of his animosity towards extraterrestrials and the
information
he had received on their intrusive activities. His statements reveal
that he had
a skeptical view of the ‘benevolence’ of visiting extraterrestrials.
Corso endorsed comments such as General Douglas Macarthur’s claim in
1955
that the “nations of the world will have to unite, for the
next war will be an interplanetary war.” In terms of cooperation
between the US and Russia (former USSR) to deal with the
extraterrestrials, Corso
wrote: “The U.S. and USSR are aligning their space programs against
a common enemy.” [12]
Consequently,
it can be concluded that there is no ambiguity in Corso’s belief that extraterrestrials
are a genuine threat to US. national security and that weaponization of space
was an urgent policy priority to deal with the “extraterrestrial enemy”.
If alive today,
Corso would no doubt be a strong supporter of the current U.S Air
Force plans to weaponize
space, and build a global defense shield that could target extraterrestrial visitors. In short,
Corso has consistently demonstrated strong support for military solutions to the presence of visiting
extraterrestrials
that in his view were performing abductions and other ‘intrusive
activities’ that posed a direct threat
to U.S. national security.
Do Extraterrestrials Pose a National Security
& Global Threat?
The question that can now be raised is
whether extraterrestrials do genuinely pose a national security threat to the U.S. or the earth more generally. This question
is made very complex by the amount of conflicting data on the extraterrestrial
presence from a variety of whistleblower and witness sources whose testimony is
more difficult to verify when compared to the case of the highly decorated Corso.
Answering such a policy question first requires that one understand the nature
of the "national security threat" posed by extraterrestrials. Second,
one needs to identify any groups of extraterrestrials that may be
performing intrusive actions that fall into
the category of 'threat'. Finally, one has to identify extraterrestrials performing
non-intrusive activities that do not appear to be a threat to the national security
of the U.S. or other countries.
There have been many rumors that the U.S. has entered into agreements with extraterrestrial
races. For example, there is considerable circumstantial and testimonial evidence
pointing to President Eisenhower being actively involved in meeting with and reaching
agreements with extraterrestrial races. [13] Col Corso, who served in the Eisenhower administration,
alludes to such agreements in various passages in the Day After Roswell. For example, he wrote: “We had
negotiated a kind of surrender with them [extraterrestrials] as long as we couldn’t
fight them. They dictated the terms because they knew what we most feared was
disclosure.” [14]
There
have been an ever growing number of alleged whistleblowers describing the various agreements reached with extraterrestrials
that they saw direct evidence of during their participation in projects or assignments
with the highest possible security classifications. These agreements allegedly
involved the exchange of technology or information by extraterrestrials in exchange
for the right to establish bases on U.S. territory. The existence of such bases is
explicitly revealed by Corso in his private notes. After describing the various
intrusive activities performed by the extraterrestrials, Corso went on to make
the following startling claim: “The above are acts of war which we would
not tolerate from any worldly source. It also appears they do not tolerate any
such acts on our parts on their bases.” [15] The implication here is that the extraterrestrials
have bases, likely on U.S. territory as alleged by other whistleblowers,
and the U.S. government was powerless to fully monitor
these bases.
Extraterrestrials
that have entered
into these agreements or ‘negotiated surrender’ as Corso claims; have
performed activities in the form of abductions, genetic experiments and aerial activities that lead
to great suspicion as to their ultimate agenda. Corso repeatedly pointed out that such intrusive
actions amounted to an act of war and justified a concerted military response
by U.S. authorities. It needs to be pointed out that
prior to these alleged agreements, most human-extraterrestrial interactions appeared to
be of the benevolent
‘space brother’ category that emerged in the 1950’s. [16] Individual ‘contactees’ claimed
to have been exposed to a variety of positive extraterrestrial experiences that
inspired a rapid growth in public interest in the benevolent ‘space brothers’.
There is reason to believe that the abduction phenomenon that emerged into the public consciousness
with the famous Betty and Barney Hill case in 1961 was a direct result of alleged agreements
reached with extraterrestrials. That is not to say that negative experiences with
extraterrestrials or ‘abductions’ didn't happen before the agreements,
but that the agreements
enabled these abductions to increase at a rate which went far beyond whatever
government authorities originally approved.
The Secret Government, MJ-12 & Classified
Agreements with Extraterrestrials
The
government authority that would be responsible for making the alleged
covert agreements is generally known by UFO researchers as Majestic-12
or MJ-12 Group. Documentary evidence for the existence of such a secret
organization emerged in 1987 with the discovery of a memo from
President Eisenhower’s Special Assistant, Robert Cutler, to General
Nathan Twining. The memo referred to a schedule meeting for July 16,
1954 and referred to the “MJ-12 Special Studies Project”. The memo was
found in the national archives and has been shown to be genuine. [17] In another document ‘leaked’ to
UFO researchers and known as the Eisenhower Briefing Document, Majestic-12 is
described as having operational control of the UFO phenomenon:
Operation
Majestic-12 is a Top Secret Research and Development/Intelligence
operation responsible directly and only to the President of the United
States. Operations of the project are carried out under control of the
Majestic-12 (Majic-12) Group which was established by special
classified executive order of President Truman on 24 September, 1947. [18]
The Briefing
Document remains controversial, but exhaustive archival analysis by researchers
strongly point to its authenticity. [19]
The Briefing
Document listed 12 prominent military officials and national security experts
as its members among whom included Gordon Gray who occupied a number of senior
defense positions including Secretary to the Army for President Truman from 1949-1950.
He was later President Eisenhower’s Special Assistant for National Security
(1958-61). Significantly, Gray was appointed by President Truman to be the first
director of the Psychological Strategy Board (PSB) established in 1951 and declared
to be part of the CIA. In 1953, the PSB was replaced by the more powerful Operations
Coordinating Board (OCB). It’s worth going into detail of the history and
activities of both these organizations since they are related to management of
the UFO phenomenon. Furthermore, each organization involved Col Corso, a military
intelligence specialist, in various covert operations while serving in the Eisenhower
administration. It is likely that service on these Boards gave Corso the background
information that formed his developed views on extraterrestrials and support for
the weaponization of Space.
The Psychological
Strategy Board (PSB) was created “under the NSC to coordinate
government-wide psychological warfare strategy”. [20]
The PSB was formally succeeded by the more powerful Operations
Coordinating Board established by Executive Order 10483 on September 2,
1953 with the following charter:
...the
Operations Coordinating Board shall (1) Whenever the President shall hereafter
so direct, advise the agencies concerned as to... the execution of each security
action or project so that it shall make its full contribution to the attainment
of national security objective views and to the particular climate of opinion
the United States is seeking to achieve in the world...
Initially,
the OCB was based at the State Department and while formally authorized
to report to the National Security Council (NSC) and implement NSC
decisions, it was formally independent from the NSC. On February 25,
1957, Executive Order 10700 formally incorporated the OCB into the NSC,
which meant the NSC had greater oversight and control of the OCB. The
OCB was officially ‘abolished’ by President Kennedy with Executive
Order 10920 on February 18, 1961 that revoked Executive Order 10700.
Both
the Psychological Strategy Board (PSB) and the Operations Coordinating Board (OCB)
were interagency committees that were responsible for covert operations in the
Truman and Eisenhower administrations, and reported directly to the National Security
Council. Both the PSB and OCB specialized in psychological warfare through the
use of propaganda, mass media, and disinformation. These would prove to be the
very tools used to deny or ridicule the UFO phenomenon in the U.S. and suggests that both the PSB and OCB played
a key role in this.
There
has been speculation that the OCB played a critical role in managing the UFO phenomenon,
and secretly continues to play this role though with another name. [21] Corso’s original notes provide evidence
supporting this UFO management role played by both the PSB and the OCB. According
to his military records, Col Corso was assigned to both the Psychological Strategy
Board and Operations Coordinating Board when serving with the Eisenhower administration
from 1953-1956. Corso received numerous security clearances some of which gave
him access to UFO information. In his original notes, Corso writes:
During my military career at one time or another, I counted nine
clearances above “Top Secret” granted to me. These included cryptographic,
satellite, code and intercept, special operational clearances and the “Eyes
Only” category of special White House (NSC) matters. They made available
to me all matter within the government which included “UFO” information. [22]
Consequently,
Corso’s service on both the PSB and OCB, and his access to UFO related information
is evidence that both these bodies played critical roles in managing the UFO phenomenon
through covert psychological operations. Furthermore, the OCB was not abolished
by Kennedy in 1961 as generally thought since the revoking of Executive Order
10700 effectively made the OCB independent of the NSC rather than abolishing it.
Executive Order 10920 only removed the OCB out of control and scrutiny of the
Kennedy administration. This made the OCB once again an independent interagency
governmental organization with significant power through the covert psychological
programs it managed, and an important implementing mechanism for the even more
mysterious Majestic-12.
Due to
its clandestine nature and unaccountable status, Majestic-12 and covert organizations
such as the Operations Coordinating Board that manage UFO affairs are referred
to as the ‘secret government’. President Clinton when asked by famed Washington
Post correspondent Sarah McClendon why he didn’t do more to have the truth
about UFOs disclosed, he allegedly confided: "Sarah, there’s a secret government
within the government, and I don’t control it." [23]
The ‘secret government’ is the government within the government that
controls and makes policy decisions over how to deal with extraterrestrials; whether
they constitute a ‘threat’ or not; and develops agreements with some
extraterrestrial civilizations.
The
‘Internal’ versus ‘External’ Security Threat by Visiting Extraterrestrials
There
is intense debate over whether extraterrestrials involved in abductions and
other intrusive activities described by Corso (commonly described as ‘Grays’
from Zeta Reticulum) have a covert 'take-over' agenda. Researchers such as Dr David Jacobs (author
of The Threat) believe the ‘Grays’
have a covert plan to take-over human society by engineering a superior hybrid
race. On the other hand, researchers such as Dr John Mack (author of Passport to the Cosmos) believes the star
visitors have a 'transformative' agenda designed to blend together the best characteristics
of extraterrestrials and humanity. While this is an important debate, it glosses
over one of the key features of the extraterrestrial presence - classified
agreements between extraterrestrials and the ‘secret government’. In
considering the 'transformative' vs. 'take-over' debate, it is vital to consider all the data and come
up with
a nuanced response that takes into account different extraterrestrial races performing
activities. Visiting extraterrestrials need to be distinguished on the basis of
them either being inside or outside the secret network of agreements reached with the ‘secret
government’. [24]
The key
policy issue is not whether we should establish communication with
extraterrestrials to resolve differences
that lead to confrontations over the number of abductions or other intrusive activities
reported by Corso and others. The key issue is the precise nature of the agreements
reached with extraterrestrials, and how these are conducted in a covert and
unaccountable manner. As far as the abduction phenomenon is concerned, it is very likely
that these
were made possible by, or accelerated as a result of, covert agreements by secret
government authorities with one or more extraterrestrial civilizations.
Consequently, the national
security threat posed by extraterrestrials is a covert one that exists
through the classified agreements established by the secret government with some
extraterrestrial races. The motivation of extraterrestrials that have entered
into these agreements is very questionable and gives considerable cause for suspicion as to their
overall intent. Certainly the great number of abductions that have occurred give rise to
the 'take
over' scenario promoted by Dr Jacobs and other researchers. Once one considers
the vast secret
infrastructure created to develop extraterrestrial technologies and
the illicit
funding required for such an infrastructure, it becomes clear that the national security threat posed by
extraterrestrials is INTERNAL rather than EXTERNAL. [25] Corso’s depiction of extraterrestrials
as an external military threat to the U.S. is therefore not accurate.
Extraterrestrials
that have entered into agreements with secret government authorities are complicit in
the creation
of national security system based on secrecy, unaccountability and illicit funding. This
directly threatens US. national security both in terms of a covert take-over by extraterrestrials,
and an erosion of the constitutional principles upon which the U.S. is based. The real national security threat posed by some
extraterrestrial visitors is a result of the desire of the ‘secret government’
to acquire and
develop extraterrestrial technologies at any cost, even if it means giving permission to a limited
number of abductions and other intrusive actions.
On the other
hand, extraterrestrials who have not entered into such technology
exchange agreements with secret government
authorities have behaved in ways that display great respect towards individuals they have contacted.
This is evidenced in the extensive number of ‘contactee’ or ‘space
brother’ reports from the 1950’s, right up to the modern era. These
extraterrestrials that typically look human in appearance reflect great respect
for human free will and follow what appears to
be a clear directive for non-interference in human affairs. Extraterrestrials that are trying
to assist humanity, as described by these alleged contactees, are secretly being
targeted
by space weapons in order to capture their technology or the EBEs themselves. This also includes Grays
from Zeta Reticulum
who are involved in abductions that have reached agreements with the secret government.
It does appear that the relationship between the Grays and the ‘secret government’
is a complex one where some whistleblowers report on military confrontations
between them in terms of the extent to which either or both have violated the terms of
their secret agreements. [26]
Conclusion:
The Use of Space Weapons is an Inappropriate Policy for Extraterrestrial Visitors
In terms of
the deploying space weapons, the deliberate targeting of extraterrestrial visitors
needs to be exposed. This requires briefing legislative officials in the U.S. and elsewhere so that a more appropriate
policy response can be developed. There is a need to put a halt to the current
U.S. policy of targeting extraterrestrial vehicles
through the deployment of space based and other advanced weapons systems. As
Hellyer pointed out in his September 2005 speech: “Are they really enemies
or merely legitimate explorers from afar?" What makes this policy issue complex from the perspective of whistleblowers
such as Corso, who is representative of many military officials briefed about the extraterrestrial
presence, is that they believe that the weaponization of space is appropriate. This policy is justified,
in Corso’s and other military officials’ views, on the basis of the
intrusive activities of extraterrestrials.
The abduction
phenomenon and related intrusive activities needs to be understood in
terms of the
highly classified agreements reached between the ‘secret government’
and extraterrestrials. It should be pointed
out that military
officials such as Corso did not appear to be briefed about friendly extraterrestrials and the latter's
non-intrusive activities. Instead, Corso was given information on abduction related
activities and other extraterrestrial intrusions that lead to the
psychological
framework for the creation of 'enemy images'. This process is described by Sam
Keen in Faces of the Enemy which clearly
outlines how the creation of enemy images has been a vital aspect for fighting
successful wars. [27] In short, what has emerged over the last 50 years or so is the creation
of an ‘extraterrestrial enemy’ that justifies the development and deployment of
space weapons according to Corso and other military officials. This takes us to
the warnings of Dr Carol Rosin, a former spokeswoman to Dr Werner Von Braun, about
a contrived extraterrestrial threat being the basis of a public disclosure of
the extraterrestrial presence. [28] Such a contrived threat would direct public
perceptions towards perceptions of extraterrestrials as unfriendly and a security
threat. A more nuanced assessment based on the ‘internal’ versus ‘external
threat’ posed by extraterrestrials is needed.
Consequently,
in response to the profound policy question raised by Hellyer of whether weaponization
of space is an appropriate policy response to the extraterrestrial
visitors, the answer is NO. There is no need for a military response to the extraterrestrial
visitors. It is clear that extraterrestrials who pose a credible 'national security threat'
do so by virtue of their involvement in a series of secret agreements that make possible
a covert
take over of the vast infrastructure of extraterrestrial related projects
that exist in
the U.S., and other countries. This covert extraterrestrial threat requires a
POLITICAL solution rather than a MILITARY solution –public disclosure of the extraterrestrial presence.
With
public disclosure of the extraterrestrial presence, there can be the necessary transparency
and accountability to ensure that any technology exchange agreements
with extraterrestrials are conducted in a responsible way, and do not make human society
prone
to a covert ‘take-over’ by extraterrestrials. It is very likely that the abduction phenomenon
would cease to be a problem once transparency and accountability were brought into play. Extraterrestrial
visitors performing
such activities could be closely monitored and persuaded from continuing any activities
that violated individual human rights. ‘Persuasive mechanisms’ would
come in a variety of ways: rigorous public debate over extraterrestrial activities;
educating extraterrestrials about human rights standards; and the anticipated
support of many extraterrestrial civilizations in monitoring and countering violations
by other extraterrestrials.
The Honorable
Paul Hellyer called for an urgent public debate over the appropriateness of current
military policies directed towards extraterrestrial visitors. The current policy
advocated by Col Corso of weaponizing space and targeting extraterrestrial vehicles,
is supported by many former and current military officials ‘in the loop’
about the extraterrestrial visitors. The development and use of space based weapons
against extraterrestrial visitors will be shown to be a poor policy choice once
the true history of ‘secret government’ and extraterrestrial agreements
are revealed. As a former Minister of Defense, Paul Hellyer is very familiar with
the importance of policy questions concerning the use of military weapons in resolving
international political problems. He is to be congratulated on bringing to the
public’s attention the "profoundly important policy questions that must
be addressed" with regard to the weaponization of space and the alleged targeting
of extraterrestrial visitors.
Michael E. Salla,
PhD
Author's
Note: Paul Hellyer is scheduled to speak to an international conference
in Hawaii where issues raised in this paper will be discussed. For
details, see www.etworldpeace.com
[5] For more details on Hellyer’s speech and to view it online, go to: http://exopoliticstoronto.com.
[6]
Hellyer disclosed the existence of these officials in a private
conversation with the author in November 8, 2005, but chose not to
reveal further details of them due to their need for anonymity.
[7] Philip Corso, The Day After Roswell (Simon & Schuster, 1997) 290.
[8] Corso, The Day After Roswell, 292.
[9] Philip Corso, L’Alba Di Una Nuova Era [ Dawn of a New Age]
tr. Maurizio Baiata (Pendragon, 2003). I thank Maurizio Baiata for
permission to quote extracts based on his translation of Corso’s
original notes.
[10] Dawn of a New Age, 77.
[11] Dawn of a New Age, p. 98.
[12] Dawn of a New Age, 78.
[14] The Day After Roswell, 292.
[15] Dawn of a New Age, p. 77
[17] See Stanton Friedman, Top Secret/Majic (2005): 86-102
[18] Majestic Documents, 128. See also www.majesticdocuments.com
[19] See Friedman, Top Secret/Majic, 56-85.
[22] Corso, Dawn of a New Age, 31.
[25] See Michael Salla, “The Black Budget Report,” Scoop Magazine, January, 2004, available online at: http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0401/S00151.htm.
[27] See Keen, Faces of the Enemy: Reflections of the Hostile Imagination (Harper Collins, 1991).
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